I'm starting to think this is more than just winds of change blowing... I think something siesmic is about to happen worldwide... (And I think it's a good thing)

POSTED BY: 6ixStringJack
UPDATED: Sunday, February 8, 2026 15:08
VIEWED: 1715
PAGE 2 of 7

6IXSTRINGJACK

Tuesday, January 6, 2026 2:38 AM

Nobody cares what little Annie and her college degree came up with this morning.

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Be Nice. Don't be a dick.

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SECOND

Tuesday, January 6, 2026 3:40 AM

Quote:

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Originally posted by 6ixStringJack:
Nobody cares what little Annie and her college degree came up with this morning.

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Be Evil. Be a dick.

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SECOND

Tuesday, January 6, 2026 3:50 AM

Trump’s War

The invasion of Venezuela is not law enforcement; it is imperialism, pure and simple.

David Cole | January 3, 2026

https://www.nybooks.com/online/2026/01/03/trumps-war-venezuela/

“It was a brilliant operation, actually.” So claimed Donald Trump early this morning in a phone call with The New York Times about the US military’s overnight invasion and bombing of Venezuela, culminating in the abduction of Venezuelan president Nicolás Maduro and his wife, who have been brought to New York to face an indictment for drug smuggling.

It was an illegal operation, actually. Illegal on so many fronts that it can be challenging to keep them straight. First, and most importantly, it violates the bedrock rule of international law, which prohibits nations from attacking other sovereign states except when authorized by the UN itself or when acting in self-defense. Trump has invoked self-defense for all his aggressive actions against Venezuela, from summarily executing at least 115 people in unprovoked assaults from the air on boats alleged to be carrying drugs in international waters, to destroying a loading dock in the country itself and, now, bombing Caracas and abducting Maduro. The basis for that claim, Trump insists, is that Maduro has facilitated the smuggling of drugs into the United States, and that those drugs in turn kill thousands of Americans each year. But self-defense applies only in response to an actual or imminent armed attack, and whatever else drug smuggling might be, it is not even conceivably an armed attack. (According to US records, moreover, Venezuela is not even a source of fentanyl, the lethal drug that has been the agent of many of those overdose deaths and that Trump recently labeled a “weapon of mass destruction.” It mostly comes from Mexico.) Quite simply, Venezuela has not attacked the United States. The only nation with a self-defense justification here is Venezuela.

The attack also violated the US Constitution, which gives Congress, not the president, the power to declare war and authorize the use of military force. The only situation in which presidents can constitutionally conduct unilateral military action is, again, in self-defense against an ongoing or imminent armed attack. The Venezuelan operation also violated the War Powers Resolution, which requires the president to notify Congress before introducing troops into any situation of ongoing or imminent hostilities.

The fact that Maduro was indicted doesn’t remotely authorize the military action. First, this was not a mere law enforcement operation; it was regime change. In a press conference earlier today, Trump admitted as much: “We don’t want to be involved with having somebody else get in and we have the same situation that we had for the last long period of years,” he said. “So we are going to run the country until such time as we can do a safe, proper, and judicious transition. And it has to be judicious, because that’s what we’re all about.” He singled out one aspect of that “transition” in particular:

As everyone knows, the oil business in Venezuela has been a bust…. We’re going to have our very large United States oil companies—the biggest anywhere in the world—go in, spend billions of dollars, fix the badly broken infrastructure, the oil infrastructure, and start making money for the country. And we are ready to stage a second and much larger attack if we need to do so.

That is not law enforcement; it is imperialism, pure and simple.

Second, trying Maduro contravenes the principle of international law that heads of state are absolutely immune from trial in the courts of a foreign country. Trump should know; after all, he successfully argued in the US Supreme Court that he himself had immunity from criminal prosecution for “official acts” in his own country, even after he left office. Yet if what he is doing to Maduro is lawful, it would be just as lawful for another nation to capture Trump and put him on trial in their own courts.

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Trump’s escalating military attacks against Venezue

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6IXSTRINGJACK

Tuesday, January 6, 2026 4:02 AM

If you're waiting for my cum back you'll have to scrape it off your mom's teeth, faggot.



I notice you've been talking about my dick a lot lately.

I know that you're obsessed with me, you stalk me and that you're secretly in love with me, but you're never going to get my dick, dude.

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Be Nice. Don't be a dick.

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SECOND

Tuesday, January 6, 2026 5:06 AM

Quote:

---

Originally posted by 6ixStringJack:
If you're waiting for my cum back you'll have to scrape it off your mom's teeth, faggot.

I notice you've been talking about my dick a lot lately.

I know that you're obsessed with me, you stalk me and that you're secretly in love with me, but you're never going to get my dick, dude.

--------------------------------------------------

Be Evil. Be a dick.

---

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SECOND

Tuesday, January 6, 2026 5:22 AM

The Once Secret Memo That Trump Thinks Justifies His Venezuela Invasion

The legal theories the administration has floated to defend its actions draw on a historical source the president once disavowed.

By Mark Joseph Stern | Jan 5, 2026 at 4:06 PM

https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2026/01/secret-memo-trump-venezuel
a-invasion-illegal.html

President Donald Trump’s military operation to capture Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro is flatly illegal under international law and almost certainly illegal under federal law—an unauthorized use of force against a foreign nation that pushes executive power past its breaking point. Yet there is no real chance that the courts will curb it, even as the mission evolves into a possible occupation of Venezuela and an expansion of hostilities to its neighbors. Nor is there any signal that Congress will impose restraints on what appears to be the dawn of a new conflict overseas, surrendering its constitutional war powers to Trump without objection. And even if Congress does try to assert its authority to oversee (or end) military action in South America, it will face an uphill battle in a judiciary that persistently favors the commander in chief.

This inversion of our constitutional order sets a perilous precedent that even many celebrating Maduro’s fall may come to regret. It marks the death knell of the post–World War II settlement that, however imperfect, wrestled the anarchy of war into a framework designed to condition armed aggression on legal justification. The executive branch’s consolidation of power now reverberates far beyond the United States’ shores as a saber-rattling president abandons any pretense that the law can constrain his resort to military force. Indeed, the legal theories the administration has floated to defend its actions draw on a historical source Trump once disavowed: the arch-interventionist claim that the U.S. has an inalienable right to police the world.

It is difficult to tally all the ways in which the Maduro operation was illegal, but start with a point that few dispute: This act violated international law. Trump’s invasion of Venezuela to capture its president cannot be squared with Article 2(4) of the U.N. Charter, which bars member nations from deploying “the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state.” This principle—the most important rule of international law today—should bind the United States, which ratified the charter in 1945. And it clearly prohibits the American government from invading another country to make an arrest.

Yet Mike Waltz, Trump’s ambassador to the United Nations, did not even pretend that the administration complied with Article 2(4) in his address to the U.N. Security Council on Monday. Instead, Waltz rejected the premise that this rule should apply to Venezuela at all, because Maduro was an “illegitimate narco-terrorist” and “fugitive from justice.” Of course, if a country can disregard the U.N. Charter whenever it concludes that another nation’s leaders have given up their claim to “territorial integrity or political independence,” then the charter means nothing. Arguably worse was Waltz’s insistence that Venezuela’s vast “energy reserves” also justified the action, a motive Trump has laid bare from the start. It should go without saying that the charter does not, under any circumstances, permit one nation to invade another to secure control over its natural resources.

So what is the government’s legal defense of its military incursion into Venezuela? The administration purports to be following the Panama precedent of 1989—when President George H.W. Bush ordered the military invasion of Panama to arrest its dictator, Manuel Noriega, ostensibly so he could stand trial in the U.S. But this episode was not approved by Congress (which found out just hours before) or the U.N. (which condemned it) or a federal court (which never passed on its legality). Instead, the Department of Justice’s Office of Legal Counsel justified the